New APPG for Cross-Party Dialogue on Future Generations

An All-Parliamentary Group for Future Generations has just been set up in the House of Commons with the aim to “raise the profile of issues affecting future generations in Parliament and explore ways to institutionalise representation of future generations.” It is chaired by Daniel Ziechner, MP.

This APPG arose following some research at Cambridge University which explored the rights and representation of future generations in political systems around the world. The Secretariat for the APPG is based at the Centre for the Study of Existential Risk (CSER).

The goal is to: “​create​ ​space​ ​for​ ​cross-party dialogue​ ​on​ ​​combating​ ​short-termism​ ​​in​ ​policymaking;​ ​and​ ​to​ ​identify​ ​ways​ ​to​ ​​internalise longer-term​ ​considerations​​ ​into​ ​today’s​ ​decision-making.” Issues identified include climate change, public health, and “​catastrophic​ ​and​ ​existential​ ​risks​ ​arising​ ​from​ ​emerging technologies”.

The APPG will be holding speaker​ ​events​ ​and​ ​discussion​ ​roundtables; providing briefings on catastrophic risks, and building a network of parliamentarians,​ ​academics,​ ​industry​ ​stakeholders​ ​and​ ​other​ ​APPGs.

If you want to know more about the APPG and how you might get involved, you can contact them at:

Citizens, participation and the economy | Interim report from the RSA Citizen’s Economic Council

There are many reasons why more democratic and deliberative approaches to economics are necessary and valuable: shaping better and more informed economic decisions, promoting transparency over economic priorities, and strengthening the quality of democracy and public debate. Following an intense process of public engagement, the RSA Citizens’ Economic Council has published its first interim report, setting out emerging findings, and introducing the Citizen’s Economic Charter.

In this report, the RSA project team calls for economic institutions such as HM Treasury and the Bank of England to institute deliberative citizen juries and assemblies to help empower citizens and work to build a greater level of trust in decision-making. A documentary film, capturing some of the work of the Citizens’ Economic Council has also been released. The full report can be accessed on the RSA website.

Related Links

  • Prof Graham Smith, Chair of the FDSD board of trustees is a member of the CEC Advisory Group, and introduced the innovation project in a blog post in 2016.
  • A recent CUSP paper argues that understanding deliberative systems is a key element for nurturing a deeper, more authentic democracy: “Both, small-scale experimental and large-scale institutional and legislative innovations have the potential to induce greater consideration for environmental concerns and a long-term perspective in our political decision-making”.



Harnessing democracy and engagement for sustainable prosperity

As environmental crises become ever more severe, voices are reappearing that call for authoritarian solutions: Democracy, so the argument goes, has proven to be too slow to respond to urgent threats, and so a stronger, authoritarian hand is needed to push through the necessary socio-political changes.

In a recent working paper, published by the Centre for the Understanding of Sustainable Prosperity,  Marit Hammond and FDSD chair Graham Smith respond to this charge by revisiting the role of democracy within a transition to sustainable prosperity. It is not democracy as such that is the problem,  the paper argues, but rather democracy in its current form is itself constrained by structural and discursive forces including the almost hegemonic status of capitalist politico-economic discourses and tendencies towards short-termism in political decision-making.

Instead of advocating further constraints on democracy, the essay explores new institutional and societal spaces that can revitalise democracy, ameliorating existing constraints and infusing sustainability politics with new ways of thinking. In particular, the authors highlight the potential promise of participatory and deliberative innovations, prefigurative politics, reform of established structures and institutions, and deliberative systems and cultural change.

Related Links


Cover image: Mural by Jason Woodside, Photo derivative of Elvert Barnes / Flickr (licensed under CC-BY-SA 2.0 )

Improving data flows to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals

(CC.0) Derivative of fgeralts /


FDSD responded to the consultation by the Office of National Statistics (ONS) on their proposed approach to measuring and reporting on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) within the UK.

The provision of adequate data on our progress towards the SDGs (both within the UK and our impacts internationally) enables people to be able to hold Government to account, as well as to provide an information baseline and meaningful targets to inform the development of policy and practice by government, the public, civil society and business.

One of our main points was that there is a need to ensure that any data collected is broken down to a low enough geographic level to enable meaningful and informed local decision-making. At present, existing data in many SDG areas cannot be broken down in this way. The EU Referendum discussions in particular highlighted the problems that arise when there is little understanding of the realities facing different geographical areas. The profound inequalities across the UK will struggle to be addressed appropriately without adequate baseline measures and targets. We need to ensure that the opportunity for improving our ‘data infrastructure’, arising from the need to report against our achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals, also works to enable local sustainable development, as well as informing the development of sustainable business and industrial strategies.

You can access the full response in pdf.

Decentralised Development Cooperation—the new driver for SDG implementation

CC.0 Annie Spratt /


Development cooperation isn’t only a matter between national governments anymore, a recent article by Stefano Marta and Aziza Akhmouch from the OECD finds – collaboration proves to be rather successful between local and regional authorities in different countries too. The process known as “decentralized development cooperation” has become a real driver for regional self-determination and active development work – in particular with regards to the SDGs.

There is no common definition as to what exactly constitutes DDC, the authors write, and thus accounting for its success is still a blurry task. There is, however, a key similarity: “Across most countries, it is cities that tend to be directly implementing DDC activities, particularly those that aren’t linked to official development assistance.”

This new form of cooperation is increasingly recognised as a key tool to complement traditional development assistance and achieve global commitments beyond a top-down implementation model, and to mainstream SDGs into cities’ policies and plans. For more details on the OECD work around understanding and promoting this place-based collaboration, please see the full article on

Localising the SDGs: Learning from Tuscany

An interesting case study for DDCs makes a recent regional report from Tuscany, which structures its local cooperation experiences in view of better systematising and capitalising on its decentralised cooperation initiatives. The report feeds into the Toolbox for Localizing the SDG, an international initiative that aims at empowering local governments and other actors by offering a growing set of “practical, adaptable mechanisms and instruments to address the most pressing development challenges, thereby facilitating the implementation of the Global Goals”.

The full report can be accessed on

One Year On: The View from the Future Generations Commissioner for Wales

Sophie Howe, Future Generations Commissioner for Wales, reflects on her first year in office.

The United Nations has said, “What Wales is doing today, we hope the world will do tomorrow – action more than words is the hope for our future generations”.

Listening and involving people in shaping and informing the focus of my work has been central to my way of working as the first Future Generations Commissioner for Wales.

Since taking up office in April 2016, one of my main priorities has been to get out and listen to people – whether they are the professionals with responsibility under the new legislation or other partners such as voluntary organisations and local communities.

During my first six months in office I met all 44 public bodies and frontline professionals in Wales – to listen and identify opportunities for promoting the the sustainable Development principle and the five ways of working in the Wellbeing of Future Generations (Wales) Act.

I have also contributed to more than 640 public engagements and meetings with ministers, voluntary sector leaders and experts. I have also spoken at national events including the Hay Festival and Royal Welsh Show to champion the Well-being of Future Generations Act and present the challenges and opportunities the act brings.

Throughout the many conversations, we have used the opportunity to test out innovative and collaborative methods to further develop our approach to public engagement.

For example, working with the Wales Audit Office and the Cynefin Centre, we created a survey for people to tell us about the issues they feel are important to them and their community, and to identify how they can help achieve our seven well-being goals. We received nearly 1,000 responses.

I have worked with the New Economics Foundation (NEF) to develop a ‘Future Generations Framework’ to show how organisations can make better decisions using five ways of working to maximise their contribution to the well-being goals set out in the act. While this was initially developed for infrastructure projects, we are testing the approach on other work to see if it can also support decision-makers apply the sustainable development principle. The framework can also be used to help the public promote the principle and challenge decision-making.

We have also worked with the Auditor General for Wales and Wales Audit Office to help drive the changes needed. If we work in partnership at an early stage, this will increase the positive impact of our statutory duties by providing a consistent approach to public bodies and public services boards.

We also set up a joint project with the Children’s Commissioner for Wales to help public bodies think about how they embed rights and sustainable development in their work to fulfil their obligations under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Well-being of Future Generations Act.

One of the main challenges in setting up my office has been the need to put sustainability into practice and be an example of how we are changing our ways of working to align with the act.

I initially focused on how my office could be sustainable and energy efficient. I was offered a shared space with the Welsh Language Commissioner which aligned with the collaborative approach to working as well as being cost effective.

The space needed to be refurbished. Allowing for the limitations of the existing infrastructure, our aim was to keep costs to a minimum and where possible build in energy efficiency into the redesign. So we upcycled fixtures, fittings and furniture from Welsh government stores, and we repurposed and repositioned existing partitions. We also put thermostatically-controlled valves on all the radiators, fitted energy-saving light bulbs, and installed some movement-sensitive lighting.

We have also been given access to free space within Bangor University and use of their video conferencing equipment which allows my North Wales-based staff to come together and avoid unnecessary travel to South Wales.

We are now bringing all our work together with an evidence base on the key issues, challenges and opportunities facing Wales. The next stage of the journey will be priority setting and creating a movement for change that will benefit people now and in the future.

Find out more about the work of the commissioner on the official website.

One Year On: A View from Civil Society on the Future Generations Commissioner for Wales

The Future Generations Commissioner for Wales was established just over a year ago. We talked to Anne Meikle, Head of WWF Cymru, to reflect on this novel institution.

What role did WWF Cymru play in establishing the commissioner?

WWF and other members of the Sustainable Development Alliance worked hard to lobby for a commissioner with independence from government – one who could champion the needs of future generations. We also pushed to amend initial drafts of the Well-being of Future Generations Act to strengthen the commissioner’s powers. We ensured she has broad powers to undertake research or review of any matters relating to the act.

What role do organisations like WWF play in the commissioner’s work?

Most commissioners in the UK have a much narrower remit than the Future Generations Commissioner. They only focus on single issues or groups, for example the Children’s Commissioner. A remit on sustainable development covers a very broad range of subject areas. It is very unlikely that any one person would have in-depth knowledge of all relevant issues. So organisations such as WWF support the commissioner by providing expertise on matters such as climate change, biodiversity, or the health of ecosystems (our life support systems). We can also advise on actions to tackle the drivers of loss of these natural resources, such as looking at more sustainable production methods or how public bodies can encourage these through their procurement practices. As a global organisation, WWF can not only advise on the international impacts of Wales’ actions but can also share examples from around the world of good practice, providing benchmarks for progress.

How open is the commissioner to the views from civil society groups and the broader public? (One of the four priority areas on which the commissioner is consulting is “public engagement”).

The commissioner has worked hard to ensure she hears the public voice through her engagement events. She has been very open to listening to, and using input from, civil society. That said, there is a need to further recognise and use civil society as experts alongside academic input.

Do you think the commissioner is setting the right priorities?

The commissioner is still developing her priorities, so it’s something we’ll be watching closely in the coming months. What I would say now is that it is essential that she makes sure that public bodies focus on the areas where they can have the biggest impact on wellbeing and drive transformational change. They will also need to tackle the risks and opportunities that arise with that focus.

What have been the main challenges for the commissioner in the first year?

Simply establishing a new function such as this, explaining its role and prioritising activities are major challenges. Beyond this, we have a newly elected National Assembly for Wales with a new intake of politicians who were not involved in the passage of the Act. We have also had a new Welsh Government, which has chosen different political priorities and has had to respond to both austerity and the political agenda post-Brexit. This constant political renewal, and tendency to focus on the short term, was a major reason that the previous assembly supported a legislative approach. Ensuring politicians remain committed, focused and inspired is a key challenge – one where collaboration with the Sustainable Development Alliance could be critical to success.

There is also a fundamental challenge to the civil service and the new permanent secretary in Wales. The act requires radical change in the ways that civil servants work. Their decision-making systems and tools need to be reviewed and amended in quite challenging ways.

Finally, the act established entirely new organisations – Public Service Boards (PSBs) – as a regional delivery mechanism. These PSBs bring together all the public bodies in each local authority area to deliver new plans to deliver on the act – collaboratively. Quite rightly the commissioner has been concerned to ensure that these are established and start work with the correct understanding and commitment.

How do you see the commissioner’s role developing in the coming years?

The cultural change required by the act will take at least 10 years to embed across all public bodies. In the first instance, the commissioner’s focus is to promote understanding of, and commitment to, the act’s delivery and providing support for these changes. Maintaining the commitment of public bodies and ensuring they take action on the major transformational changes – the really difficult decisions and choices that must be made – is going to require persistence and the use of all her available powers. Not all public bodies will make effective progress. The commissioner will need to use her powers of review to identify barriers to change and make specific recommendations to public bodies to drive improvement.

The commissioner’s other key role is to report on behalf of future generations, in early 2020. She will assess the improvements needed in public bodies to safeguard the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. This will be a vital moment and mechanism to ensure that politicians in subsequent political terms take forward delivery.

Is this a model that could be replicated at UK level or in the other devolved nations?

A commissioner role is already used in many countries around the world. They all have their own unique powers and cultural context. The Network of Institutions for Future Generations provides a mechanism for them to share good practice, but also to assess the differences between them. As time goes on, it will be interesting to evaluate which of the various types of institution work most effectively. The value of these roles, as the network says, is “bringing future generations to the negotiating table”. Unless the UK or other devolved nations have a robust alternative mechanism for bringing in these voices, then they should look at establishing a commissioner.


Constitutional reform, sustainable development and the political parties

© House of Lords 2017 / Photography by Roger Harris. This image is subject to parliamentary copyright.


Victor Anderson is a Research Fellow at the Centre for the Understanding of Sustainable Prosperity.

What do the election manifestos and Queen’s Speech tell us about the state of the constitutional reform debate in the UK and its relationship to sustainable development?

Constitutional reform remains part of the political debate, with PR for the Commons still a priority for reformers but not for either of the two main parties. The relatively new issue moving up the agenda is parliamentary control over trade deals, an issue that Brexit has placed firmly on the agenda (the Queen’s Speech announced a Brexit Trade Bill, which could be amended along those lines).

However, the connection between constitutional reform and sustainable development or future generations was unfortunately absent in all the manifestos.

From the Conservative point of view, one ambition in the area of constitutional change stands out above all others: returning to the UK the law-making powers that have been transferred to the EU. This was reflected in the Queen’s Speech, which provided for eight Brexit bills. The manifesto also envisaged Brexit involving “a significant increase” in powers for the devolved administrations (page 37).

“We will retain the first past the post system of voting for parliamentary elections and extend this system to police and crime commissioner and mayoral elections” (page 43). That means no Supplementary Vote, i.e. first and second choices, which have enabled third- and fourth-placed parties (generally LibDems & Greens) to run effective mayoral campaigns. Outside the manifesto, the Conservative Party confirmed that this also means an end to the Additional Member System of PR in the London Assembly, which up to now has been the only way that LibDems and Greens have won seats there (see

“We will legislate for votes for life for British overseas electors” (page 42). Expats would never have to live here in order to have a say in how the country is run.

Following the decision to hold an early election, the Conservatives have also committed to “repeal the Fixed-term Parliaments Act” (page 43).

There is also a recognition that metro mayors, local enterprise partnerships, and local authorities have become a bit of a jumble: “we will consolidate our approach, providing clarity … so all authorities operate in a common framework” (page 32).

But following the election, none of these proposals was reflected in the Queen’s Speech. However, it is important to recognise that the Speech never covers the whole of the what is in a manifesto. Manifestos are written to cover a 5-year parliament. The Queen’s Speech usually covers just one year, and this case two. Measures excluded from it could be introduced in 2019 – provided there isn’t an early election of course.

The Tory manifesto is organised around the idea of “five giant challenges”. These are the economy, Brexit, social divisions, ageing, and technological change. Climate change and sustainability are not amongst the big five. Energy and transport are discussed under the heading ‘A Modern Industrial Strategy’, but primarily in the context of what they can do to help build ‘a strong economy’. In a section fitted in awkwardly just after ‘Stronger Communities from a Stronger Economy’, there are mentions of litter, recycling, and the countryside, together with a reaffirmation of the intention to “produce a comprehensive 25 Year Environment Plan” (page 26, with the Plan apparently provided for in the Queen’s Speech through the Brexit Agriculture Bill). The chapter primarily on Brexit includes mentions of climate change – “We will continue to lead international action” (page 38, also page 40) – and the Sustainable Development Goals, although the discussion of the SDGs is explicitly focused on how to spend the overseas aid budget (page 39) rather than difficult question such as how to tackle sustainable consumption and production (Goal 12).

However, there is a rare Burkean sustainability moment on page 9: “We respect the fact that society is a contract between the generations: a partnership between those who are living, those who have lived before us, and those who are yet to be born.”

The Labour manifesto also starts with the UK economy. The opening chapter includes a commitment to “ensure that 60 per cent of the UK’s energy comes from zero-carbon or renewable sources by 2030” (page 14), apparently including nuclear (page 21). Company law will be amended to give company directors a duty to protect the environment (page 17).

The chapter on Brexit is keen to “guarantee that Parliament has a truly meaningful vote on the final Brexit deal” (page 27). “Truly meaningful” is not defined (crucially: does it include the option of calling a second referendum?). Labour wants proper “parliamentary scrutiny of all future trade and investment deals” (page 30). It also supports “international negotiations towards an Environmental Goods Agreement at the WTO” (page 31). On the SDGs, “Labour will develop a cross-government strategy for ensuring the SDGs are implemented …” (page 122)

There is a chapter on constitutional reform. This includes a commitment to “establish a Constitutional Convention” (page102), a slow process of moving towards a democratically elected Second Chamber (page 102), opposition to a second Scottish independence referendum (page 104), and more devolved powers for Wales (page 105). There is nothing on electoral reform for the Commons. Labour commits to “a cabinet of at least 50 per cent women” (page 109).

Comparing these policies with what Labour governments achieved in the recent past – above all, the establishment of the Scottish Parliament with proportional representation and the attempt to set up regional assemblies across the whole of England (in practice that got no further than London) – it is fair to say that constitutional reform has moved down Labour’s agenda (in that sense Corbyn is less radical than Blair).

The same cannot be said of the Liberal Democrats, the Greens, Plaid Cymru, or the SNP but there are no examples which focus on better enabling long-term thinking, or taking into account future generations. A few highlights from their manifestos:

  • Votes at 16 (LibDems, Greens, SNP, Plaid)
  • PR for the Commons (Greens, LibDems, SNP); “reform the voting system” (Plaid)
  • PR for local government (Greens, LibDems, already exists in Scotland)
  • Lords reform: “proper democratic mandate” (LibDems), “elected second chamber” (Greens), abolition (SNP)
  • Constitutional Convention (LibDems)
  • “Give Parliament a vote on any new trade deals” (Greens, SNP similar); Give Welsh Assembly vote (Plaid)
  • “a 50/50 Parliament” (50% women MPs) (Greens)
  • Second referendum on Scottish independence (SNP)
  • More powers for the Welsh Assembly (Plaid)


Time to reach beyond the ‘elite’ | Blog by Simon Roberts

(CC BY 2.0) Ben Salter / Flickr


Widespread public participation is important not only for working out the best ideas to tackle complex problems or effectively implement change, but also to create agreement for major transitions in society or the economy. Simon Roberts, CEO of the Centre for Sustainable Energy in Bristol wrote this blog earlier in 2017, summarising a longer paper that argues that otherwise populist reactions against the ‘liberal metropolitan elite’ can undermine efforts to reduce carbon emissions.

Why carbon budgets could be next in line for a populist backlash – and how to avoid it

The rejection of the EU by a (slim) majority in the Brexit vote in June 2016 offers a glimpse of how support for actions to cut carbon emissions may be undermined if more is not done to nurture public understanding of, involvement in, and consent for such actions.

What we now have to call ‘the liberal metropolitan elite’ has been pursuing a social and economic programme which is justified and beneficial in their eyes and which has, by and large, enjoyed popular support in general (though not always in the particular).

But they forgot (for about 30 years) to spend time engaging with the ‘general public’, listening to their views and developing understanding of what it was all for and why it was the best course to follow – perhaps adjusting that course slightly in response to what they had heard.

In their case, it was deepening membership of the EU. In our case (and that ‘our’ isn’t just CSE but all of the green lobby and many other parts of the liberal metropolitan elite), it’s action on reducing carbon emissions. And we, too, have been forgetting to engage, listen and develop understanding – for about 15 years.

But, for reasons outlined in the opening section of a new discussion paper by CSE Chief Executive Simon Roberts, the transition to a low carbon society arguably requires the involvement and consent of ‘the people’ even more than membership of the EU. This is because it will have even more impact on the way we live our daily lives and the choices available to us.

The new paper was written as a stimulus for a recent roundtable on engaging the public on emissions reduction that was supported and convened by the Children’s Investment Fund Foundation (CIFF). The roundtable in turn fed into government processes for developing the forthcoming Emissions Reduction Plan (to meet the fifth carbon budget).

In the paper, Simon explores why public engagement and consent matter so much for the next phase of the low carbon transition, as we get beyond the easy stuff that’s already been done. Drawing on the experience of onshore wind, he explains the ‘tragedy of the commons’ aspect of public engagement and questions whether we can rely – as many policy-makers and -shapers seem to – solely on the emerging low carbon markets (e.g. in smart energy services or electric vehicles) to deliver the public consent and involvement required.

He then looks at CSE’s positive experiences in stimulating meaningful and local peer-to-peer conversations about ‘what it all means round here, for us and for me’ and the social mechanisms which may explain the success of these in building consent.

We’ve written before about the need for meaningful public consent for this transition (see here and here). And exploring ways of stimulating local discussions and connections which can be the foundation stones of such consent were the basis of projects such as Future Energy Landscapes and Warmer Bath.

The CIFF roundtable involved a range of policy-makers and influencers (BEIS, Behavioural Insights Team) academics, and civil society organisations. Simon commented: “It was a really stimulating discussion. I came away with one particular new insight which is that when policy makers talk about public engagement they conceive it as a purely instrumental process that helps them sharpen up policy to make it better at persuading, requiring, hoodwinking, or nudging people into taking a usually quite specific intended action. But that characterisation of public engagement ignores the far deeper, more transformational level of engagement we need: place-based, peer-to-peer conversations which reveal norms for action and nurture social permission for change.”

Simon tried to capture this distinction in a single image – reproduced below – which used his ‘fertilise the ground so the seeds of change can grow better’ analogy.

by Simon Roberts